Geographic Information System (GIS) Benefits and Constraints

Geographic Information System (GIS) Benefits and Constraints Benefits and Constraints of Using Geographic Information System (GIS) 1. Introduction 1.1 Research Background This is no more evident than in the proliferation of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) across a variety of disciplines, with the common goal of capturing, storing, analysing and visualizing spatial information. GIS in practice, by virtue of its technical complexity and cost, has traditionally been limited to the operations of Governments and commercial organisations (Craig et al., 2002). Despite these barriers non-profit organisations and community groups are increasingly looking to adopt GIS on the premise that it will be able to positively transform their operations through better decision making and influencing public policy through greater analysis and the presentation of professional visualisations (Sieber, 2000b, Sieber, 2000a). Given this burgeoning interest, there has been a concerted effort by GIS and Society (GISoc) research groups to develop and espouse concepts such as Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) which provides a unique approach to make GIS and spatial data availa ble to non-traditional users allowing them to integrate local knowledge and engage in decision making (Sieber, 2006). 1.2 Research Objectives The focus of this research project is to investigate the benefits and constraints for the application of a Geographic Information System (GIS) within a community based project. Specifically the research considers a reframing of PPGIS to help better guide the processes, resources and characteristics required to implement a community based GIS. The following questions will guide the research and development of the community-based GIS: Do contemporary PPGIS pragmatic approaches address the original ontological debates of GIS and Society? Can psychogeographic principles help better guide the requirements for a community based GIS? What spatial data sets are available and usable for community groups within Melbourne, Victoria? Do available datasets satisfy the requirements of community groups? Can community knowledge be effectively integrated with traditional spatial data sources? 1.3 Research Rationale As people become more aware of local, regional and global issues through the mainstream media and the Internet they, as a result, expect to be better informed by Governments and organisations and allowed to contribute to decisions that shape their own lives and the society in which they live. If those issues comprise spatial knowledge, then a GIS is a natural option for facilitating discussions and conveying local knowledge (Carver, 2003). Despite this opportunity to empower communities many GIS practices (including PPGIS) and available spatial data often do not adequately represent community needs and concerns (Elwood, 2006). This research thus aims to explore and develop a framework for which current GIS and related technologies can be successfully reconstructed to allow communities to express their own knowledge about place and spatial relations through visualizations and narratives. Specifically, the proposed research has been designed to assist the Blackburn Lake Sanctuary (BLS) Advisory Committee to implement a GIS which will be enable them to store and map the location of various vegetation and salient features within the BLS in Melbourne, Victoria. By integrating publicly available data sets with community knowledge it is hoped that it will further legitimise the activities of the BLS Advisory Committee while not compromising their goal of contributing to local government policy and increasing the effectiveness of their activities. 1.4 Research Methodology Contained here is an outline of the subsequent chapters and research methodology. The research will be organised into three major chapters literature review; case study; and discussion and conclusions. Chapter Two Literature review examines the relevant literature regarding GIS and Society, PPGIS and psychogeography providing an overview of the historical background and ontological framework of these research paradigms. An examination of the principles of psychogeography and the research design of previous PPGIS studies will be completed, providing a comparative study of their different methodologies and methods. These comparisons will assist in developing a theoretical framework for a community-based GIS which will guide the case study to follow. Chapter Three Case study introduces the Blackburn Lake Sanctuary case study and attempts to implement the methods established within the theoretical framework introduced in chapter two. An exploratory case study has been employed because it is a valuable method for investigating the nature and effects of implementing technology within a complex milieu (Sieber, 2000b). In order to increase the rigour and validity of the case study observations, open-ended interviews and questionnaires will be conducted. Chapter Four Discussion and conclusions reviews the research objectives in relation to the major research findings as well as the limitations of the methods and theories employed. Pattern matching techniques will be employed to compare the observed and verified information with the framework developed through the research project. If the observed and predicted information correspond then the research methodology maybe strongly validated (Sarantakos, 1998). This chapter also addresses the limitations of the research and future research opportunities. 1.5 Conclusion This chapter has established the objectives and rationale for conducting research into developing a community-based GIS. A research methodology has also been proposed to describe how the research statement and associated objectives will be achieved. The next chapter will review the relevant literature including theoretical models and research methodologies used by previous researchers in the field of PPGIS and psychogeography. 2. Literature Review 2.1 Introduction In the previous chapter, the objectives, rationale and methodology were presented to help guide the research into developing a community-based GIS. The research outlined in this thesis covers a number of interdisciplinary fields all of which are continually evolving. These fields include public participation GIS (PPGIS), community mapping and psychogeography. This chapter begins by investigating the role of GIS in society including the motivation and foundation for PPGIS and the advantages and disadvantages of PPGIS praxis. The chapter also explores the topic of psychogeography and the reasons why its principles may help characterise and drive the successful development of a community GIS. 2.2 GIS and Society a brief history Mountains dark with forests rose above the rooftops, the jagged black summits silhouetted against the evening light. Higher than them all, though, was the tip of the Schneeberg, glowing, translucent, throwing out fire and sparks, towering into the dying brightness of a sky across which the strangest of greyish-pink cloud formations were moving, while visible between them were the winter planets and crescent moon. (Sebald, 2002: 50) Storytelling is an extremely powerful means for conveying an image of the world and in some way or another every story takes place somewhere and relates knowledge of geography and a sense of place (Cartwright, 2004, Erle et al., 2005, Cartwright et al., 2009). One way to represent geographic stories and our understanding of the spatial organisation of the physical environment and its relationship with humans is through a map. An attempt to bring together the science of geography with the art of map making has been the Geographic Information System (GIS) which is a computer system for capturing, storing, querying, analysing and displaying geographically referenced data (Chang, 2008). What differentiates a GIS from other databases and computer systems is its ability to combine large amounts of spatial data from diverse sources, group the data into layers or categories, analyse the data for patterns or relationships and produce improved visualizations (Sieber, 2000a, Sieber, 2000b). Fo r these reasons GIS technology has become an important tool for use by many levels of Government, Universities and organisations involved in activities ranging from conservation, advertising and marketing, health, crime, land-use planning and social services or any activity containing a spatial component (Sieber, 2006). However it is only recently that GIS use has expanded to non-traditional users such as non-profit organisations and community groups. This accessibility has been the result of decreased costs in hardware, software and improved user interfaces which means the user no longer has to learn specialised command languages (Craig et al., 2002). The attraction to the utility of GIS, by non-traditional users, is much the same as traditional users in that it can assist in new ways of understanding a problem, but it may also help in influencing public policy through more sophisticated analysis and the presentation of professional looking images (Sieber, 2000b). Despite this perceived ease-of-use and increasing ubiquity, the GIS has been criticised by some circles as being an elitist technology which merely enhances existing power structures (Carver, 2003). This critique is heavily influenced by postmodernist principles, which place an increasing emphasis on the contributions of wider society and recognises that knowledge and values are constructed through a multiplicity of social and cultural forces. These arguments first surfaced within the paradigm of critical cartography which exposed the inherent subjectivity in, and rhetorical content of maps, thus implying that maps are as much a reflection of (or metaphor for) the culture that produces them, as they are an abstraction of the physical environment (MacEachren, 1995). These examinations have also been employed within social and critical GIS debates which challenge the use of GIS in decision making as being objective and neutral. Instead it has been maintained that GIS utility is often c onfined to experts whom produce privileged knowledge given their unique access to data, technology, resources and position to structure the inquiry and design the output (Duncan and Lach, 2006). This view of GIS as a return to the principles of technocratic positivism may be construed as anti-democratic because decisions reliant on a GIS may exclude diverse forms of spatial data, such as community knowledge, in favour of ordered Government data conceptualised into points, lines and areas (Crampton and Krygier, 2006). Many academics, such as Pickles (1995), believe that the increased popularity of GIS within the geography discipline has meant that the availability and access to geographic data has become more influential than knowledge or experience of a unique environment or subject (Craig et al., 2002). Concerns regarding the hegemonic and subjective role of GIS lead to a number of workshops in the mid-nineties on GIS and Society (GISoc) sponsored by the National Centre for Geographic Information and Analysis (NCGIA) (Craig et al., 2002). GISoc was focused on how the spread of the technology was affecting the political, economic, legal and institutional structures of society; and how societal processes affect the form taken by the technology itself (Carver, 2003: 65). GISoc research furthermore questioned whether current GIS practices and available spatial data adequately represented community needs and concerns and whether a new ontological framework was needed to help empower less privileged groups in society (Elwood, 2006). It was questioned whether it would be possible to develop a bottom-up GIS which could successfully incorporate community participation and thus either displace or validate decisions made with top-down GIS approaches, implemented in most Government and commerci al GIS projects (Craig et al., 2002). From these reflections the notion of Public Participation GIS (PPGIS) was developed and defined as a variety of approaches to make GIS and other spatial decision-making tools available and accessible to all those with a stake in official decisions. (Schroeder, 1996) In other words, the intention of PPGIS praxis was to incorporate local community perspectives into decision making, ideally leading to solutions which might otherwise not have been attained using traditional data sources and esoteric problem framing and analysis (Carver, 2003). Even though PPGIS was initially seen as a reconstructed democratic GIS, there is still much polarized debate regarding whether GIS technology is empowering or marginalising. These opinions, however, can often be seen as a reactive and predisposed view of information technology (IT) in which individuals and groups must react to the technology as having a positive or negative social effect (Sieber, 2000a). The effectiveness and social and political implications of GIS use within communities, however is much more complex and is generally contingent on a set of unique local factors such as culture, policies, standards, people and technology (Duncan and Lach, 2006). While PPGIS applications are an extremely positive move to address the original GISoc concerns regarding the social, political and knowledge practices of GIS contemporary PPGIS have seemingly introduced new contradictions concerning data access, representation and hegemony (Elwood, 2006). For instance, although much literatur e acknowledges the importance of bridging the gap between technology and community knowledge, many PPGIS applications continue to adopt a technocratic view of GIS and are often lacking extensive public interaction let alone the integration of community data (Sieber, 2006). The next section of this thesis examines more closely the current contradictions in PPGIS applications, paying particular attention to the ambiguities in the use of the terms public and participation. The purpose in critiquing the underlying assumptions of these terms is to further an understanding of the original ontological meaning of PPGIS and how the varying use of the terms has affected the incorporation of community knowledge in PPGIS projects. 2.3 What does the Public and Participation in PPGIS really mean? Any process or technology which enhances a communities access to information and provides the chance to participate in decision making should be seen as a step in the right direction; however the original ontological framing of GISoc has become misconstrued by some practices of PPGIS (Carver, 2003). The original concept and application of PPGIS has been reshaped and become more disparate over the years as a range of disciplines (such as urban planning and conservation), have applied different approaches and technologies to achieve a unique set of priorities and goals (Sieber, 2006). Furthermore the growing enthusiasm of Governments and commercial organisations for participatory planning has lead to a number of diverse initiatives which vary in terms of the inclusiveness of community knowledge and empowerment potential (Elwood, 2006). However, public participation is a complicated concept that can have multiple meanings which lead to numerous interpretations and societal expectations (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). An examination of the nature of public and participation practices in GIS applications is thus critical in developing a greater understanding of the ambiguities in the PPGIS process and how these may have diverged from the original vision of GISoc. It is extremely important to identify whom the public is when engaging a PPGIS project because it will ultimately determine who is included within the project and what types of outcomes and goals may be achievable (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). The Collins English Dictionary (1982) defines public (adj) as a means of relating to, or concerning the people as a whole reflecting the intended meaning within PPGIS; and many applications do continue to be developed for a general public (Sieber, 2006). There is however a number of PPGIS projects who take a more ambiguous view of public and often use it interchangeably with definitions which more loosely resemble a stakeholder. In other words many projects deem their public to be those who are affected by, bring knowledge or information to, and possess the power to influence a decision or program (Sieber, 2006). The public and their interests are often, however, very different from stakeholders and thus would heavily influence the problem f raming and objectives of a GIS project (Wood, 2005). Furthermore a public can be demarcated by a range of factors such as geographical, economic, social or political; and the composition of a public may change over time (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). Determining what constitutes the public has become especially complicated as technology has become more pervasive. For instance a web-based GIS may potentially be accessible by a wider portion of society however it raises questions around digital divides and geographic scale. Thus, is anyone who is able to access the application still deemed part of the public even though they maybe geographically distant to the issue and decision making? (Sieber, 2006) In general people local to an issue should be interested enough to get involved in a debate given their geographic proximity. It has been demonstrated however that as scale increases not only do people at regional, national and global levels become interested and involved in an issue but also a higher percentage of people at the local do as well because it has amplified into a wider discourse (Carver, 2003). Consequently Aitken (2002) suggests that instead of perceiving issues or decision making as being scale dependent and developing PPGIS projects for stakeholders which have their scale fixed, GIS projects should, alternatively, be directing their attention towards developing a GIS which would enable community issues and knowledge to jump scale from local to larger public discourses or vice versa (Aitken, 2002, Sieber, 2006). This is an important aspect because there is often a concern that local activities are dismissed as being part of community politics and are denied significant advancements by State and Federal Governments and thus the opportunity to emerge and engage individuals at all scales (Aitken, 2002). From this perspective a community-based GIS, where community is defined as a group of individuals who are bound together by a common characteristic or a common intent and who enjoy a relatively high degr ee of mutual social interaction (Jones et al., 2004: 105) offers the prospect of transcending the rigid scale conceptualised upon community politics and local activism enabling them to contest structures of power and dominance at the very scales they exist (Aitken, 2002, Gaile and Willmott, 2005). Harris and Weiner (1998) acknowledged in their research on the power relations associated with GIS use that participatory GIS practices have the potential to simultaneously empower and marginalise groups (Sieber, 2006). As a result it is imperative to understand the nature of the participatory process and who benefits and why (Craig et al., 2002). One such way to help conceptualise the levels of public participation is through a ladder metaphor. First conceived by Arnstein (1969), the basic premise of the participation ladder is that each rung of the ladder represents a different level of participation the bottom rung represents zero opportunity to participate while each rung above represents increased level of participation in the decision making and thus greater public empowerment (Carver, 2003). Wiedemann and Femers (1993) later produced an adaptation of the ladder which conceived of public participation as not only providing access to information but also suggesting that inform ing the public of decisions is another form of participation (Tulloch and Shapiro, 2003). This concept is significantly flawed as it firstly misrepresents the commonly understood meaning of the word participation in PPGIS which The Collins English Dictionary (1982) defines as to take part, be or become involved, or share. Secondly the ladder metaphors do not acknowledge the potential for participation to change over a period of time (Schlossberg and Shuford, 2005). Thirdly, the participation models fail to include oppositional groups whom do not cooperate with public decision making but participate in the formation public policy through other influential methods such as protests (Sieber, 2006). The incorporation of the word participation in many GIS projects implies a method of consensus building which presupposes a level of top-down decision-making as well as a degree of homogenization between participants. Certain individuals however may be better able to participate or contribute to decision making than others. Consequently, disproportional levels of participation may effectively disempower individuals and adversely affect the desired outcomes of a community (Sieber, 2006). Consequently some scholars have insisted on applying participatory for autonomous grassroots activities and employing participation to describe those projects which are more top-down in their approach (Elwood, 2006). Again while this is a neat way to demarcate GIS projects which employ various degrees of top-down and bottom-up methods these definitions fail to acknowledge that both methodologies are crucial to any successful GIS project and community decision making. In fact it is fervently maintained that in order to enable citizens to better identify and comprehend how the role of GIS and technical discourses are bound up in decision making and how decision making can be informed by GIS knowledge, communities must have access to spatial information developed by Governments and commerc ial organisations as well as contributing their own spatial knowledge (Brown, 1998). Within this section it has been demonstrated that the attitudes and arguments that frame many PPGIS projects have succeeded in producing an illusion of influence and contribution by communities to decision making when actual control still resides with the traditional powers, such as Government. Instead of attempting to build an impossible consensus amongst a public with disparate tastes, values and experiences, a community-based GIS should concentrate on developing a communitys ability to construct their own facts with the aid of available third party resources, from which their personal geographic stories may emerge and translate to various members of society (Wood, 2005). Another way forward could be to draw upon principles of Situational psychogeography which also attempts to combine subjective and objective modes of study by positing that ones self cannot be divorced from the urban environment and that ones psyche and knowledge of the city must transcend the individual if it is t o be of any use in the collective rethinking of the city (Sadler, 1998, Wood, 2005). In the following section an examination of the origins of psychogeography will be conducted clarifying how the principles behind this practice may help establish a framework for practice of GIS and Society and specifically the incorporation of local knowledge in GIS. 2.4 What exactly is Psychogeography? During the 1950s a number of highly politicised groups emerged in opposition to the ideals of modernism; these groups promoted programs that would reform the practice of art and life by directly intervening in the human environment and bringing about a social revolution (Sadler, 1998). One such group were the Lettrist International who conceived of the notion of Unitary Urbanism, which would later be the developed into the praxis of Psychogeography. Unitary Urbanism was envisaged as the theory of the combined use of arts and techniques for the integral construction of a milieu in dynamic relation with experiments in behaviour. (Knabb, 2006: 52) In other words, Unitary Urbanism was considered a social project whose vision was the unification of space and architecture with the social and individual body (Sadler, 1998). In 1957 the Lettrist International and the International Movement for an Imaginist Bauhaus (IMIB) merged to form a new artistic-activist movement known as the Situationist International (SI). The SI was similarly critical of modernist principles which anteceded the rational mind at the expense of the imagination. These criticisms are most clearly evident in the SIs opposition to modern architecture and urban planning which they argued shaped people into rigid patterns of behaviour (Sadler, 1998). Furthermore they believed that increasing urbanism and capitalism had reduced life to mere production and consumption behaviour that ensured that everything that was directly lived has moved away into a representation. (Debord, 1964) In other words experienced space had been reduced into mere representations of spaces and in turn re-envisaged as capitalist spaces (McDonough, 2002). SI believed that members of society were increasingly experiencing life as spectators devoid of dialogue and wi thout a sense of being involved or interacting with one another. Once this spectacle of modernity and urbanism, represented through images, products and activities, and authorised by the state, had been unveiled, society would be able to rediscover the authenticity of city life underneath (Debord, 1964). By resisting the hegemony of the state the SI sought to radically transform urban spaces through different practices including the subversion of cartography. Specifically by directing the spectators senses towards the contradictions in the abstractions and mediations of the state, the aim was to draw the spectator into activity by provoking his capacities to revolutionize his own life (Debord, 1957: 25). Taking from the original methodology of Unitary Urbanism, psychogeography was proposed as a method of urban investigation which studies the precise laws and specific effects of the geographical environment, consciously organised or not, on the emotions and behaviour of individuals. (Debord, 1955) In other words, psychogeography was intended as a methodology to help make people aware of the ways in which the urban environment and everyday life is conditioned and controlled and encouraged the exposing of these concerns (Plant, 1992). Psychogeography in practice utilised a technique conceived as the Theory of the Dà ©rive, in which individuals dà ©rive (literally: drifting) through an environment letting themselves be drawn by the attractions of the terrain while still seeking to unmask the contradictions in the abstracted space (Plant, 1992). The dà ©rive was an attempt to reappropriate the meaning of the city by removing the myths in the states representations by having people walk and experience the landscape first hand, thus constructing through narratives a more concrete collective space (Mcdonough, 1994). While the dà ©rive offered a new way of surveying urban space, a new way of representing these spaces had yet to be found. The SI were not disillusioned with the idea of mapping practices, in fact they regarded mapping as an important component to aid in the changing and organisation of urban spaces (Pinder, 1996). They believed however, that the structures and imperatives utilised in mapping exposed the desires of those wishing to impose order upon the city. The SI ambition was thus to illustrate the strange logic and apparent disorder of cities by producing maps which demonstrated those intimacies of the city typically absent from a traditional street or topographic map (Sadler, 1998). Consequently the SI developed a concept called Dà ©tournement, which loosely translates as a diversion or rerouting of pre-existing aesthetic elements (Knabb, 1995). An example of this is where existing maps and aerial photographs were juxtaposed or rearranged to produce a new spatial meaning; an a lternative experiential or existential truth (Ungar, 2005). Thus the SI were able to reconstruct the cartography of a city by reconciling conventional geographies, sociologies, and cartographies together with experienced spaces, producing a map which is terrestrial, fragmented, subjective, temporal, and cultural (Sadler, 1998: 82). While Debord announced the disbandment of the SI in 1972, the traditions underpinning psychogeography continue to influence many works of literature, films, urban design and geographic practices (Ford, 2005). Wood (2005) draws attention to one contemporary psychogeography project Jake Bartons City of Memory which combines psychogeographic principles with a GIS to build a collective urban memory through the participation of a number of people. In an interview with Wood, Jake Barton described his project as utilising top-down and bottom-up resources to create an emergent and curated experience. Precisely by extending these terms to form the foundation of any GIS and Society project, Wood hypothesised that what would emerge was a GIS designed by a third-party or community-based intermediary (top-down); the public would formulate a specific framework that fits their unique goals (bottom-up); the bottom-up and top-down activities and goals are not independent of each other, but rather c o-exist (curated); the outcome of the project has not been foreseen or influenced towards a specific outcome by any party, but rather emerges organically from the facts obtained and analysed (emergent). Thus resulting in a map and information which has not been exactly made by the public but which without it has no content at all and deflates into a frame around nothing (Wood, 2005: 13). Following on from this preliminary research by Wood a wider investigation of these terms will be conducted, laying the framework for a more appropriate community-based GIS as originally envisaged in GISoc debates. 2.5 Top-down Top-down integration of GIS is usually undertaken by an outside individual or agency who provides the GIS model, data, analysis and representation (Talen, 2000). Often the major distinction between a top-down and bottom-up approach, in participatory projects, is determined by where the decision making lies and by the level of commitment required by the public. With a top-down approach a Government or organisation would typically provide the data and representations which would be used in deliberation with the public, who are required to make a short-term commitment. In contrast, a bottom-up approach would require the public to have ongoing access to GIS data and the resources to capture data, conduct analysis and produce representations (Talen, 2000). Governments and commercial planners will often implement a participatory GIS with top-down goals in order to better understand a neighbourhood dynamic, improve public sector management and enhance social service provision. This process theoretically serves the public by introducing policies and services based on a communitys perception of the data, analysis and representations framed by Governments and planners (Sieber, 2006). Top-down GIS models can also help circumvent deterrents such as cost, complexity and access to data which often impeded non-profit and community groups from implementing a GIS. The cost of hardware and GIS software have decreased dramatically over the years and there are now many open source GIS solutions available for free use; however it has been shown that any cost and resources required in the implementation, operation and maintenance of equipment, no matter the amount, will be a significant barrier for adoption, especially for underprivileged groups (Brodnig and Mayer-Schà ¶nberger, 2000, Leitner et al., 2002). Furthermore many individuals may lack knowledge about the availability and means of obtaining a GIS and spatial data (Elwood, 2007). Many of the GIS packages available are user-friendly for many operations, however the more functionality a group requires for their GIS, the greater

Issues in the UK: Gender Pay Gap, UK Underclass and Racism

Issues in the UK: Gender Pay Gap, UK Underclass and Racism What is the gender pay gap and why does it occur? Gender pay gap has been a contentious issue for the last two decades, the recent the international womens day celebration brought the issue into spotlight. Gender pay gap simply the differences in wages paid to men and women. The advocate of gender pay gap argued that men are paid more money than women for the same job, in other word, it is immoral and create inequality in the society. The cent study conducted by the European Union Commission on pay structure across the member states indicated that the main cause of gender pay gap is the way women competencies are measured against men. For instance, jobs that are required limited skills or qualification are undervalued and poorly paid because they are dominated by women. In addition, jobs in the construction companies are dominated by men and the wages structure is higher when compared to jobs like cleaning, cooking or even nursing. This is because employers judge people based on their physicality in this jobs rather than the skills and knowledge of the employer. Another example, is most individual that works as a cashier in the supermarket are women, while men tends to work in the warehouse, stacking shelve and other role that require physical ability, the comparison is the women are pay less because they work on the till compared to men that are involved in physical task. Drolet and Mumford (2011) indicated that gender pay gap is influenced by different factors such as discrimination, stereotyping, family and societal factors. The scholar argued that most women are likely to work in part-time compared to men because they have to undertake other roles such as caring for their children, parent or taking an unpaid job in the society. Hence, because of their limited commitment to work, it is difficult for them to attain managerial roles. The Office for National Statistic figures on earning in 2016 shows that 26% of women earn less than men which indicated that women in full time employment earn less than men by  £5,732. Rubery(2015) suggested that gender pay gap is caused by the kind of occupation and industry were women seek work. He argued that women are more commitment to health and social care organisations because they are good with been compassionate and empathy compared with scientific or high tech industries that nurture and pay their employees more for their expertise. Most of the employees of high tech organisations are dominated by men because of the long hours and commitment required for their role. There are many factors that causes gender pay gap, and it essential to have an in-depth understanding of the causes of the problem in order to make any suggestions on how the government and organisation can work together to limit or eliminate pay inequality and stereotyping in our society. One of the main factor of gender pay gap is discrimination, and this could be direct or indirect discrimination. Some organisations prefer to employ men because they are more committed to their job, because of this, they pay them more money and more also, men do not usually take time off to take care of their children or parents compared to women. Recent study conducted by Fawcett Society shows that women are unfairly especially when they return back from maternity. A record number of women are forced to leave their job after having a baby because of poor treatment at work. (Fawcettsociety, 2017). Secondly, womens competences and skills are undervalued, men in the same or similarly role with the same qualification are paid more than women. For instance, Birmingham Council was forced to pay compensation to predominantly women workers such as cook, cleaners, care staff etc. because they were denied bonuses compared to men that works as refuse collector, road workers and street cleaners. The bonus was based on the physical task of the role rather than the skill and knowledge of the individual. On other factor is that women take up more responsibilities that men when it comes to the society and caring. Women have to balance between taking care of their family and work, and tend to work part time because they share Unequal caring responsibilities with men. The argument is that women play a greater role in caring for children, as well as for sick or elderly relatives, as a result they take up mostly part time role that are generally lower paid job with limited progression opportunit ies (Fawcettsociety, 2017). The introduction of Equality Act 2010 has strengthened the right of women in the workplace. It is unlawful for an organisation to discriminate against an individual because of their gender or sex (Dawson, 2014). Likewise, either man or woman should be given equal of opportunity to fulfil their potential. Meaning organisations or employers have to be flexible and consider that women play more role in the society such as taking care of their and parents, and make their job flexible and create a platform for them to progress to managerial role. It should not be based on the hour you put in, but the quality of the work. What is institutional racism in policing? How can we address this issue? The word institutional racism gain prominence during Macphersons report for the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence. Although, it has been used extensively by some scholars study on racism in the past. The findings of the report indicated organisations especially in the public sectors is riddled with institutional racism such as stereotyping, fear and contempt for ordinary people especially a black people (Ray, Smith and Wastell, 1999).MacPherson refers to institutional racism as the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin, and went on to conclude, It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people (Ray, Smith and Wastell, 1999). According to Souhami (2012), stereotyping and discrimination are factors associated with institutional racism. It is about typecasting people because of their race, colour, religion or nationality. Regarding, Macpherson report, black people are not provided the same level of service provided to white citizens by the police force because of the stereotyping approach employed by the Metropolitan police. Black citizens are classified as people with riddled with crime and drugs, which was one of the reason why Stephen Lawrence case was not taken seriously at the beginning. Hence, it can be argued that institutional racism is has link with stereotyping, ignorance of people and social inequality or diversity. Research has shown that United Kingdom one of the diverse and multicultural country in the world, however many institution including the police are yet to accurately reflect the countrys diversity within their workforce, particularly at the managerial levels. Research conducted by Souhami (2012) on institutional racism and police reform: an empirical critique, Policing and Society revealed that white applicant into the police force are more likely to get a better chance of getting job and progress to the managerial level compared to people from the minority group. In addition, the newly published data from the Office for National Statistic indicated that 32 of Britains 45 territorial police forces employed a greater proportion of white applicants that other ethnicity that identify themselves as being from a BAME background (Ons, 2017). The findings were supported by the Londons Metropolitan Police chief, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe who pointed that police chiefs in every part of the country has to be held accountable for failing to recruit people of their groups of the society that can positively reflect the communities they serve (Dodd, 2017) Dealing with institutional racism requires wider effort of the public and private sectors, schools, communities by educating people about the importance of diversity, and learning to understand and respect others people beliefs, culture or value. To mitigate against institutional racism in the police, the organisation has to embark on training their workforce on the importance of equality and diversity in the society. More also, the police force need to deploy a recruitment and selection process that will allow underrepresented groups to have a chance of getting employment and progression to the senior level of management in the police force. An independent body should also handle the complaints against the police for any investigation about racism or discrimination is transparency and credible in order to gain back the trust of the public. Officers that displayed violent behaviour against black people or other ethnicity should be prosecuted and face the consequences of their actions . In regard to the figures of ethnicity in the police force, the management should create progression route for minorities that apply to join the police for them to be part of the management, training and development to enhance their skills. Additionally, positive steps should be taken to drive recruitment of underrepresented groups in order to reflect the diversity of the nation. Continuous training should be provided on equality and diversity for new and current employees to promote equality and diversity in the police force. To reform and create a dynamic workforce, the police force can set up a cultural day whereby employees are encouraged to bring their traditional food, wear their attires and share their cultures and values with their peers. This will help police force employees to understand diversity in their own practice which can be demonstrated in the public. Does the UK have an underclass? Recently, there have been a lot of debates about social inequality and isolation in the UK politics. Social inequality is described the extent to which there are differences between groups in society (Amin and Sabermahani, 2017). It occurs in employment, life expectancy, access to education, business loans, mortality or morbidity rate. Some groups of the society are faced with the issues of struggle with social inequality in the sense that they do not have access to the same opportunity like others. The London riot in August 2011 was caused by social inequality because most the rioters came from poor and deprived areas with limited opportunity, lack of education and neighbourhood blighted with drugs (Liu and Bloom, 2006). The findings show that most of rioters came from neighbourhoods which were ethnically diverse or fractionalized. By going the definition of underclass by Lawrence M. Mead, in his book Beyond Entitlement, underclass as group of people who are poor and behaviourally d eficient, the rioters fit into this category (Mead, 1998). However, been poor does not necessarily mean an individual will have behaviour problems. The case of rioters as underclass was caused by social inequality and isolation by the government. In Britain, the media hep to promote the image of an underclass as someone on benefit that have cultivated the culture of poverty and laziness. Programmes like Benefits Britain: Life on The Dole, Benefits Street, Skint and Saints and Scroungers help also help to promote the idea of an underclass by providing real world examples and images (Donaldson, 2014) The word underclass is an ambiguous, impudent and subjective. According to Myrdal (1982), a Swedish social scientist refers to underclass as the class of unemployed, unemployables, and unemployed who are more and more hopelessly set apart from the nation at large and do not share in its life, its ambitions and its achievements. Mead (1998) defines underclass as a group that is poor and behaviourally deficient. He describes the underclass as dysfunctional. The underclass group are usually delineated and associated with people that have low aspirations, unemployed, lazy, have criminal record and poorly educated as well as coming from a family with instability and drug and alcohol addictions. However, the so call underclass group in Britain tend to have experience various forms of inequality and disadvantage in the labour market. They are very low wages, live in deprived areas with less opportunity and some end been addicted to drug because of low self-esteem. Murray (2008), in his book Losing Ground argued that welfare dependency has encouraged the break-up of the nuclear family household, and socialisation into a counter-culture which devalues work and encourages dependency and criminality. Lewis (2000) on the other hand, believes that culture of poverty is part of the coping strategies by which the poorest of the poor managed to survive. He argued that once an individual embrace this culture, it is difficult for them to break from it, hence making such individual to be an underclass. The scholar view culture of poverty as historically specific, emerging out of the problems of societal transition and the breakdown of the social order in an industrial/capitalist society. The culture of poverty theory states that living in conditions of pervasive poverty will lead to the development of a culture or subculture adapted to those conditions. This culture is characterized by pervasive feelings of helplessness, dependency, marginality, and powerlessness (Lewis, 2000). However, In Britain, the underclass group live in deprived areas of the country where there is less opportunity, fewer jobs, community is usually faced with drug and alcohol addiction as well as people with low self-esteem and peer pressure from there be part of the same group. Did they bring this problem up themselves? Wilson (2012) argued that Wilson argues that when communities experience widespread joblessness, they experience a social isolation that excludes them from the job network system. Wilson (2012) indicated that the main issue facing members of the underclass is joblessness reinforced by an increasing social isolation in an impoverished neighbourhood. They not only suffer from lower socioeconomic status, minimal education, and lack of opportunities, but they are further victimized by a lack of community safeguards and resources. The UK government help to create underclass group in the society because of social inequality, lack of opportunity and equality for certain group of people. They were seen as a problem group and given handout to keep satisfied without any real hope of integration into the main stream of the society. There are many factors to the problem, institutional racism where some people or individual typecast as not fit for purpose, stereotyping and lack of equality and diversity in every spectrum of the society. So yes, UK have an underclass group. References Atiba Goff, P. and Barsamian Kahn, K. (2012). Racial Bias in Policing: Why We Know Less Than We Should. Social Issues and Policy Review, 6(1), pp.177-210. Dawson, T. (2014). Collective Bargaining and the Gender Pay Gap in the Printing Industry. Gender, Work Organization, 21(5), pp.381-394. Dodd, V. (2017). Bernard Hogan-Howe to retire as Met police commissioner. [online] the Guardian. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2016/sep/29/sir-bernard-hogan-howe-to-retire-as-met-police-commissioner [Accessed 8 Mar. 2017]. Drolet, M. and Mumford, K. (2011). The Gender Pay Gap for Private-Sector Employees in Canada and Britain. British Journal of Industrial Relations, 50(3), pp.529-553. Fawcettsociety.org.uk. (2017). Cite a Website Cite This For Me. [online] Available at: http://www.fawcettsociety.org.uk/policy-research/the-gender-pay-gap/ [Accessed 8 Mar. 2017]. Lewis, O. (2000). Five families; Mexican case studies in the culture of poverty. 1st ed. New York, NY: Basic Books. Mead, L. (1998). The new politics of poverty. 1st ed. New York, NY: Basic Books. Murray, C. (2008). Real education. 1st ed. New York: Crown Forum. Myrdal, G. (1982). Beyond the welfare state. 1st ed. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. Neyroud, P. (2014). Policing Facts and Policing Evidence: System 1 and System 2. Policing, 8(2), pp.93-95. Ons.gov.uk. (2017). Gender pay gap by age in the UK- Office for National Statistics. [online]Availableat:https://www.ons.gov.uk/aboutus/transparencyandgovernance/freedomofinformationfoi/genderpaygapbyageintheuk [Accessed 8 Mar. 2017]. Ray, L., Smith, D. and Wastell, L. (1999). The Macpherson Report: A View from Greater Manchester. Sociological Research Online, 4(4). Rubery, J. (2015). Closing the Gender Pay Gap in the EU. Intereconomics, 50(2), pp.62-63. Souhami, A. (2012). Institutional racism and police reform: an empirical critique. Policing and Society, 24(1), pp.1-21. Wilson, W. (2012). Truly Disadvantaged. 1st ed. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Free Essays - Doctor Eckleburg of The Great Gatsby :: Great Gatsby Essays

Doctor Eckleburg of The Great Gatsby Reading through the novel The Great Gatsby, it becomes evident that Dr. Eckelberg symbolizes God and oversees events that occur. The characters in the novel refer to "the eyes of Dr. Eckelberg" often. Doctor T.J. Eckleburg symbolizes three things. He symbolizes the corruption of society; his eyes represent the eyes of an omnipotent God, and he implies carelessness and mistreatment. "The eyes of Doctor T. J. Eckleburg are blue and gigantic-their retinas are one yard high. They look out of no face but, instead, from a pair of enormous yellow spectacles which pass over a nonexistent nose." This is a quote from Nick Carraway, the central figure of the story and the voice of Jay Gatsby. Dr. Eckelburg is introduced at this point. He takes on an image of a human figure, which he is characterized as at many times throughout the novel, and that of a Godlike figure. Doctor Eckleburg's eyes were referred to once again by Nick when he was driving in his car with Tom, Gatsby, and Daisy on a trip to New York City. "We were all irritable now with the fading ale and, aware of it, we drove for a while in silence. Then as Doctor T. J. Eckleburg's faded eyes came into sight down the road I remembered Gatsby's caution about gasoline." On the way to New York they remember that they need to refuel gasoline. It is at the gas station that it is learned that Wilson plans on moving his wife Myrtle out west due to the fact that he discovers Myrtles disloyalty. Nick senses an infidelity between Daisy and Tom Buchanan also. On the trip back from New York Gatsby and Daisy are driving together, and they accidentally run into Daisy. Tom suspects that Gatsby was the one that was driving; however it was really Daisy. The quote used to describe Dr. Eckelburg's eyes was an example of the symbolism of carelessness and corruption of society. Mr. Wilson is the only person that associates Dr. T.J. Eckleburg with God. "Standing behind him Michaelis saw with a shock that he was looking at the eyes of Doctor T.J.

surgery on amputations :: essays research papers

Amputation is a surgery to remove a limb or part of a limb. Amputation can also happen as an accident, which is called a traumatic amputation. Who is a candidate for the procedure? Amputation is most often used for one of four conditions:  · gangrene, which is a severe limb infection with death of tissue  · lack of enough blood flow through the arteries that supply blood and oxygen to the affected limb  · severe trauma or injury of a limb  · cancer or a tumor involving a limb Amputation has serious emotional and physical effects. For this reason, limb removal is usually advised only when other options are not possible or have little chance of success. How is the procedure performed? There are many different ways to perform an amputation. A single finger or toe may be removed, or an entire arm or leg. The surgeon will usually try to remove as little of the limb as needed to treat the condition. An amputation is done in an operating room. In many cases, general anesthesia is used to put the person completely to sleep with medications. Regional anesthesia may also be used. In this case, a person is awake but has no sensation of pain. The area of skin where the incision will be made is cleaned. The surgeon then cuts into and through the skin. In most cases, the surgeon will remove the limb or part of the limb at a point where there is a joint. For instance, the entire leg below the knee may be removed. The knee area is chosen partly because this is where the shinbone, or tibia, meets the thighbone, or femur. Removing the part or whole limb at a joint prevents the need to break one of the bones. After the part or whole limb is removed, the skin is closed with sutures. A bandage or dressing is then placed over it. What happens right after the procedure? The person is taken to a surgery recovery room while he or she wakes up from the surgery. Pain medication is given if needed. Antibiotics and other medications may also be given. When the person is awake and his or her vital signs are within normal limits, he or she is usually taken back to a bed in the surgical inpatient unit. In most cases, the person will need to stay in the hospital for at least 1 or 2 more days.

steroids :: essays research papers

Twenty years ago, when I was a competing professional athlete, I spoke publicly of the frustration of feeling pressured to use anabolic steroids. I felt pressured to compete in an environment where I and many others believed there was an unbridled problem. I mentioned the prevalence of use in adolescents and commented on the training advantage using these drugs gave competitors. At that time, NFL management denied the extent of the problem and little was done. The NFL, to its credit, in 1987 started its non-punitive testing program and proclaimed it was considering random testing. In 1988, in a Sports Illustrated commentary, I predicted the failure of random testing, citing obvious loopholes, and questioned the overall concern of the fans. I solicited the ire of some in the sports media when I suggested medical supervision as an alternative to faulty drug testing. However, you can't monitor a drug problem medically that society wants to pretend doesn't exist. Another issue I wanted to bring forward was urging people to keep the health effects of these drugs in perspective, as well as the sports world's tendency to define this as primarily a public relations issue. I still wonder why some of the reporting of my situation either ignored or minimized some of my known lifestyle heart risk factors (alcohol abuse, for example) in preference to highlighting steroids. Happily, the severity of my health issues and my former addictions are a thing of the past. In the wake of the BALCO scandal and the revelations in Major League Baseball, do any of these issues ring familiar? None of the BALCO athletes (clients of the Bay Area Laboratory Cooperative) have ever flunked a drug test. Baseball Commissioner Bud Selig is citing drops in numbers of positive tests in "announced" testing as reasons for optimism. After 20 years of researching this issue, I have earned my pessimism. Has he earned his optimism? For those paying attention at all, the BALCO investigation has reinforced the reality that athletes are using undetectable drugs. Perhaps the optimism in testing is because there is no plan B and Selig is tired of the drug allegations. In 1989, the NFL initiated random testing. This was a smart move for two reasons. First, it showed media and the public that they implemented the strongest policy that technology and the law would allow. Second, it was prior to impending legislation (the 1990 Steroid Anti-Trafficking Act) that re-classified anabolic steroids under Schedule III of the Controlled Substance Act.

Examine critically the theme of duality in R.L. Stevenson’s ‘Dr. Jekyll Mr. Hyde’ Essay

‘Man is not truly one but truly two’ – this message depicts the basic plot of the story ‘The Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll & Mr. Hyde’ by Robert Louis Stevenson. R.L. Stevenson was a marvelous novelist who fascinated the world with his originality of ideas and power to tell a story. His narrative skill, the unusual theme and the sensitive use of language makes his story very absorbing and engrossing. This book reflects Stevenson’s reaction to the Victorian society, which was known for it’s strict rules. Stevenson, through his book, also attacks the men of his time, who were respectable by day but were demons at night. Stevenson was brought up in a Calvinistic background, as his nurse was a follower of Calvinism. From a young age, she instilled into him the consequences of sin and the repentance in hell. Due to this, his book also has some Biblical and mythological references. The book attacks the theme of human infallibility, too- the belief that no human can ever go wrong and that they can never make mistakes. The story is also similar to Mary Shelley’s book, Frankenstein, as in both the stories monsters are created, and these monsters eventually destroy their masters and create havoc in the lives of many. Even Charles Darwin’s Theory of Evolution is reflected in the story as some of the characters, mainly, Edward Hyde, display a lot of characteristics and mannerisms that are animalistic in nature. There are many themes in the book and one theme that features prominently throughout the book is the theme of duality. Stevenson portrays this duality in almost all of his characters, mainly the protagonist, Dr. Henry Jekyll. There is contradiction in everything, too- the characters, the setting and the atmosphere, as well. The character of Dr. Jekyll is coloured with deep shades of duality. He was a typical Victorian gentleman, who was on the ‘pink of proprieties’. He always wanted the best and was a very sophisticated man who had a very good taste in art as well. Though he was a ‘smooth-faced’ and a ‘well made man’, he had a crumpled and distorted life history. But Jekyll’s weakness that finally ruined him was his too much yearning for a good reputation, which eventually, cost him dearly. Also, his ambitious nature could be the cause of his destruction as professionally, he was very daring and always did something unconventional. He was unorthodox and dared to tread on a path which others, in the same profession, would rather not have. He had a profound interest in the duplicity of life and the duality of man’s character, which lead him to further experiment with his life and fate. It did nothing much but to further lead him on the path of self-destruction, as later he had no control over himself and his actions. In a way, the society could be held responsible for the increase in Jekyll’s secret desires. Victorian society, at that time was known for its inflexibility and rigidity and this rigidity made reputation the top priority for all gentlemen. People struggled to live up to society’s standards as the society condemned and disapproved of anything unconventional. But, inspite of this, some men indulged in their fantasies. So in this way, the book also focuses on Victorian hypocrisy, as the Victorian gentleman was full of pretence. It shows the double standards of most people, as there was a wide gap of difference between their public life and their private life. Jekyll wanted to fulfill his desires but at the same time he wanted freedom from punishment; freedom from a tainted reputation. The wish to go against society’s rigid rules without losing his status and reputation was Jekyll’s ultimate goal. The only way to achieve this almost perfect, yet impossible goal was by Jekyll creating another identity of his own and he achieved this with the help of the ‘transforming draught’. Thus, Edward Hyde, Jekyll’s pure, unadulterated evil form, was born. Through Hyde, Jekyll could fulfill all his secret passions and could indulge in illicit pleasure, as he wanted, without putting his reputation and social status at stake. Unlike others, who felt a ‘distaste of life’ upon seeing Hyde, Jekyll felt a ‘leap of welcome’ whenever Hyde would surface because Hyde was like a separate, unknown channel through which Jekyll could satisfy his ‘lust for evil’. The physical description of both, the protagonist and the antagonist, is very contradictory as well. While Jekyll was a ‘large, well-made’ and a ‘smooth-faced’ man, Hyde was ‘dwarfish’ and ‘hardly human’. The very sight of Hyde arouses fear in people because of his horrendous looks and weird stature. Hyde was ‘not only hellish but inorganic’. There is contradiction as he gave an impression of deformity although he was not and he was in fact very agile but his body looked tremendously weak. He was a ‘murderous mixture of timidity and boldness’. Apart from character, there was a major difference in their physical appearance as well. In the beginning Hyde is shown to be much smaller in stature than Jekyll and this shows that the evil in Jekyll was undernourished at first but as time passes, and the frequency of Hyde’s activities increase, so does the evil in Jekyll. And finally, towards the end, we come to know that the stature of Hyde had increased in size, and this is significant of the fact that the evil in Jekyll had finally overpowered the good. Hyde’s hand too, stood pale in comparison with the hand of Jekyll’s. Jekyll’s hand was a healer’s hand, ‘professional in shape and size’. As was known to all, ‘it was large, firm, white and comely’. Whereas Hyde’s hand was totally opposite. It was ‘lean, corded, knuckly, of a dusky pallor, and thickly shaded with a swart growth of hair.’ Despite all the differences, and also being aware of peoples’ reaction towards Hyde, Jekyll still cared a lot about Hyde – it was more like a father and son relationship. But for Hyde, it didn’t make a difference as he continued to use Jekyll as he had always been doing from the start. ‘Jekyll had more than a father’s interest, Hyde had more than a son’s indifference’. For Hyde, Jekyll was like a cave in which he could hide from the world. Jekyll didn’t want to admit it initially, but he delighted in the adventures of Hyde. He had taken his secret for granted and thought that he sat ‘beyond the reach of fate’. Gradually, the bestial part in him took over and Jekyll was well aware of this fact as he realizes that he was ‘slowly losing hold of my original and better self, and becoming slowly incorporated with my second and worse.’ Jekyll had known all along that by his experimenting, he was putting his life in danger and ‘risked death’. But at the same time, he was also excited by his discovery, which made him enjoy life to the fullest without the burden of responsibilities. It absolutely exhilarated him. ‘The temptation of a discovery so singular and profound at last overcame the suggestions of alarm.’ Stevenson also portrays the theme of duality in the minor characters of the book like Mr. Utterson and Dr. Lanyon. Utterson was a ‘man of rugged countenance’ and a lawyer by profession and also Jekyll’s friend, who later unravels the mystery. The duality in Utterson’s character is clearly seen in the opening lines itself. He was ‘never lighted by a smile’ and was ‘backward in sentiment; lean, long, dusty, dreary, and yet somehow lovable.’ Dr. Lanyon’s character too has shades of duality. He was boisterous and he was theatrical as well. Even his physical appearance is slightly contrasting. He was a ‘healthy, dapper, red-faced gentleman with a shock of hair prematurely white’. His reaction to Jekyll’s discovery, i.e. the transcendental medicine, is contradictory as well. His reaction was a mixture of disapproval and curiosity. Since he was orthodox, and preferred to travel on the beaten path, he disapproved of Jekyll’s research as ‘scientific heresies’ but on the other hand, it was Lanyon’s curiosity that ultimately led to his death, as the truth was too shocking for him to bear. The harsh reality was unpalatable and to Lanyon, ‘death was an answer to the frightening realities of life’. Hyde’s servant, who was a woman, has a streak of duality in her character as well. She was a wicked woman, whose face was smoothed by hypocrisy. She had excellent manners but she was of a sadistic nature. In other words, she was a servant well suited for Hyde. The theme of duality is emphasized through the setting. In the beginning of the story itself, we see the contradiction in the setting. The setting is of a ‘by street in a busy quarter of London’ where Utterson and his cousin, Enfield go for their Sunday walk. There is a contrast between the street and the neighborhood. ‘The street shone out in contrast to its dingy neighborhood, like a fire in a forest’. The city, too where the story takes place, is seemingly divided into two parts – the Old Town and the New Town and the atmosphere is totally different in both the towns. The respectable and the sophisticated gentlemen resided in the New Town but at night they went to the Old Town to indulge in their secret passions as the Old Town had gambling, sex etc. This shows the duality of the men of those times. Even the house of Jekyll has a contradictory appearance. The back door of the house ‘bore in every feature the marks of prolonged and sordid negl igence’. The house was a symbol of the human heart, as the house had no window. This corresponds with the mind’s inability to reach out to others. This is exactly what the problem had been with Jekyll. He had been unable to confide in anyone about his problem and if he had, the tragedy could have been averted. The door to the house was ‘equipped with neither bell nor knocker’ and was ‘blistered and distainted’. Another symbolic inanimate object in the story was the cabinet door in Jekyll’s house. That door was the passage to the truth. Jekyll was hiding behind that door and was afraid to come out because Hyde could surface anytime and be in control of him. The door prevented the truth from being found out. The intense drama was going on at both sides of the door as on one side Utterson and Jekyll’s servant Poole were trying to break in and on the other side, Jekyll was trying to stay hidden. The two sides of the door could represent the two sides of the human personality. The door could also represent Jekyll’s evil side. Jekyll had nurtured and fostered the evil in him, so much that it was hard to break it down. Hence, Utterson and Poole had a tough time in breaking down the door. The atmosphere of the book contributes to the increasing tension and suspense.The fog is symbolic too, and it symbolizes the fact that there is fog over people’s mind and eyes and it prevents them from seeing the truth. It also shows their inability to communicate with others. The fog keeps randomly covering up certain parts of London everytime and this represents the fact that Utterson kept getting close to the truth and yet was unable to put his finger on it. The truth was right under his nose and yet, he was unable to see it. The language used by Stevenson is simple and easy to understand yet it is very effective and is lined with symbolic meanings. Many figures of speech have been made use of such as similes, metaphors and alliterations. Stevenson uses many striking similes such as ‘Hyde would pass away like a stain of breath upon a mirror’- to describe how Hyde would just be able to disappear and in his place, would be Jekyll. Another simile used is ‘as brown as umber’-Stevenson uses this to describe the fog of London. Even when comparing the street to the neighborhood, in the earlier chapters of the book, Stevenson says that the street stood in contrast to the neighborhood, ‘like a fire in a forest’. To describe what Jekyll could do as Hyde, Stevenson uses the metaphor ‘spring headlong into the sea of liberty’. This effectively conveys the idea to the readers about the freedom Jekyll got by being Hyde. Many alliterations have been used as well. One such example is ‘bitter bad’ and this is used to describe Jekyll’s desperate need for the drug. Jekyll is also later referred to as a ‘double dealer’. The alliteration is also seen when Stevenson describes the character of Utterson – ‘lean, long, dusty, dreary’. Some of the names of the characters have a meaning as well. For instance, the name of Hyde gives the readers an impression that the character is a mysterious, shady and a secretive one. Even the name of Jekyll’s servant, Poole, is significant. He was very loyal to his master and was hence, a pool of dark secrets. Stevenson also uses a pun in his story. This is used when Utterson goes hunting for Hyde. Utterson says that ‘If he be Mr. Hyde, I shall be Mr. Seek’. Stevenson has also cleverly made the use of animal imagery to describe Hyde. He says that Hyde had a ‘ape-like fury’ and a ‘hissing intake of breath’ and he ‘snarled aloud into savage laugh’ and he also had ‘light footsteps’ like animals do. I think the story has contemporary relevance with its link to modern unethical medical practices such as genetic engineering and also cloning. The story of Jekyll can also be linked to the plight of a drug addict as Jekyll is shown to be getting more and more addicted to the ‘transforming draught’-just like the modern drug addict. But the consequences in both the cases are similar as in both cases, the person would regret it in the end -like Jekyll did and then there would be no way out, and it would be difficult for them to give it up, even if they wanted to. Jekyll’s mistake was not only his addiction to the drug; it was also his temptation for evil. Wisdom demands that we should not go to frontiers where we are forbidden to do so. Forbidden knowledge must remain unknown, but Jekyll’s dabbling and experimenting crossed all borders and broke all frontiers. One of the messages that the book conveys is that goodness must always be vigilant in the battle against evil, otherwise evil will take command and that is exactly what had happened to Jekyll; which ultimately led to his downfall. Another message that Stevenson tries to convey to the readers through his book is that no human being is totally good or bad- humans are a mixture of both. No one is black i.e. evil and no one is white i.e. good. Every person is a shade of gray. All humans do have an animal instinct in them and also a little evil. It’s just been caged in the depths of their personality. But once it comes out, it comes out ‘roaring’, as it has been suppressed for a long time. By stating this point, Stevenson directly attacks the myth of human perfectibility. The book also deals with the reconciliation of opposites. What Jekyll wanted was to have a good time and a good reputation as well and these are two things that never go together. You have to pay a price for everything and Jekyll escaped this by switching identities. But in the end, Jekyll had to pay a heavy price for his deeds- a price much more than what he had bargained for†¦

Protecting your patients from harm Essay

1: Protecting your patients from harm and abuse Knowledge and Skills Framework core dimension Performance criteria (adapted from the Skills for Health database1) Recognising signs of risk 1. Look for factors that may lead to patients, staff and others, including yourself, being in danger of harm and abuse. 2. Look for signs that patients, staff and others, including yourself, may be in danger of harm or abuse or have been harmed or abused. This would include recognising and dealing with early signs of violent or aggressive behaviour. Health, safety and security 3. Find out what your employer says you should do if you suspect that someone is in danger or has been harmed or abused. 4. Make sure you know what to do when you suspect, or have been told, that a patient or member of staff is in danger of harm or abuse. 5. Identify the factors which allow abusive behaviour to happen and discuss these with colleagues and managers. 6. Consider your own behaviour and actions to make sure that they do not contribute to situations, actions and behaviour that can be dangerous, harmful or abusive. 7. Watch people’s behaviour, actions and situations to make sure that everyone in your workplace (including  any child and young person) is safe from danger, harm and abuse. 8. Identify possible sources and signs of danger, harm and abuse. 9. Recognise and deal  with early signs of violent or aggressive behaviour. Knowing what action to take 10. Work with patients, staff and others to identify and raise concerns about practices that: may lead to danger, harm or abuse of patients, staff and others, including yourself and are dangerous, harmful and abusive. 11. Report suspected or known danger, harm and abuse to the appropriate people. †¢ Avoid actions and statements that could affect how evidence can be used in future investigations and court proceedings. Keep to confidentiality agreements. Keep to your organisation’s policies. 12. Develop relationships with patients and family carers so that they feel able to raise concerns about possible and actual danger, harm and abuse to themselves and others. 13. Work with patients in a way that respects their dignity, privacy and rights. 14. Make sure you are honest with patients about your responsibility to pass on information about potential and actual danger, harm and abuse. 15. Take appropriate action when you see behaviour, actions and situations that might lead to danger, harm and abuse to people (including any children and young people) in your workplace. 16. Object to and raise concerns with appropriate people and organisations about practice or policies which may lead to danger, harm and abuse. 17. Work sensitively with patients and family carers, telling them who to report incidents of danger, harm and abuse to and how to report it. 18. Make sure patients and their carers know that you will listen to their reports and deal with them seriously. 19. Take immediate action if patients have been harmed or abused or are at risk of this. Protecting and recording evidence of harm and abuse 20. Report sources and signs of danger, harm and abuse to the appropriate person.  Avoid actions and statements that could affect how evidence can be used in future investigations and court proceedings. Keep to confidentiality agreements. Keep to your organisation’s policies. 21. Report any unusual or major changes in your patient’s health, cleanliness, physical care, actions and behaviour. 22. Use all available information to assess the concerns raised. 23. Avoid acting in a way or making statements that could affect how evidence can be used in future investigations and court. Support others to do the same. 24. Discuss any concerns with the appropriate people within the confidentiality agreements and your organisation’s policies. 25. Contribute to your organisation’s procedures and work within them for dealing with suspected harm and  abuse. 26. Accurately record and report suspected danger, harm and abuse. Include times, dates and explanations of incidents Avoid acting in a way or making statements that could affect how evidence can be used in future investigations and court proceedings. Keep to confidentiality agreements. Keep to your organisation’s policies.